Delegated acts: where political control really begins after the law is adopted
- Paul Shotton
- 4 days ago
- 5 min read

By Paul Shotton, Advocacy Strategy
The illusion of closure after legislation
There is a comforting assumption in EU public affairs that once a legislative file is adopted, the main political battle is over. Delegated acts quietly undermine that assumption. They sit after the Ordinary Legislative Procedure, often described as technical follow-up, yet they frequently determine how a policy actually works in practice. For advocacy teams, delegated acts are not an afterthought. They are a second, often more constrained phase of political control, where influence depends less on visibility and more on foresight, timing, and credibility.
Understanding delegated acts requires letting go of the idea that advocacy follows a neat, linear sequence from proposal to adoption to implementation. In reality, delegated acts blur those boundaries. They reopen political questions under technical labels and relocate power into spaces that are harder to access and easier to underestimate.
Why delegated acts matter more than their label suggests
Delegated acts are meant to deal with non-essential elements of legislation. That phrase is often misleading. In practice, “non-essential” can include criteria, methodologies, thresholds, and annexes that determine the real-world ambition, cost, and effectiveness of a policy. What looks like technical detail on paper can translate into major political and economic consequences on the ground.
This is why delegated acts deserve strategic attention. They are not simply about executing a settled political compromise. They are often where unresolved tensions resurface, where compromises are operationalised, and where flexibility left in the basic act is either used constructively or pushed to its limits.
The basic act as the real starting point
One of the strongest lessons from working on delegated acts is that the basic act is not the end of the story — it is the beginning of the next one. Empowerment clauses define what the Commission can do later, how far it can go, and under what constraints. They set the perimeter of future conflict.
Reading the basic act with an implementation lens is therefore essential. Which elements are explicitly hard-coded? Which are deferred to delegated acts? How specific or vague is the mandate? Are objectives and criteria tightly framed, or deliberately open-ended? These choices are rarely accidental. They reflect political trade-offs made during OLP that resurface later in technical form.
Even late in negotiations, including during trilogues, there is often still scope to influence this future landscape. Signalling what should remain in the basic act, where safeguards are needed, or where delegation should be limited can shape the space in which delegated acts will later operate. Once the mandate is fixed, those options largely disappear.
When the Commission really starts shaping delegated content
Another persistent misconception is that delegated acts only start to matter once a draft appears. In reality, the Commission often begins thinking about delegated content well before adoption of the basic act. During legislative drafting, and especially towards the end of OLP, services already anticipate what will need to be specified later and how politically sensitive that might be.
By the time a delegated act is formally drafted, many conceptual choices may already be settled. This is why early engagement matters so much. Waiting for a roadmap or a published draft often means arriving after the most important assumptions have been set.
For advocacy teams, this means learning to look for early signals rather than formal triggers. Changes in language during negotiations, annex structures, or repeated references to future technical work are often better indicators of what is coming than any formal planning document.
Delegated acts and the limits of formal political control
Delegated acts come with strong-looking political safeguards. Parliament and Council can object to individual acts or revoke the delegation altogether. On paper, this gives legislators significant control. In practice, these tools are used sparingly.
The thresholds are high. Parliament needs an absolute majority to object. Council needs a qualified majority. Neither institution can amend the act; they can only accept or reject it as a whole. This makes objection a blunt instrument, particularly when acts are complex and politically mixed.
As a result, formal scrutiny is rarely where delegated acts are truly shaped. Its real function is leverage. The credible possibility of objection matters far more than the objection itself. Commission services are acutely aware of political risk, legal vulnerability, and reputational cost. Advocacy that makes those risks visible early can be far more effective than advocacy that aims to trigger a formal veto at the end.
Where influence actually sits
Most substantive influence over delegated acts happens upstream, during drafting and consultation. Expert groups, agency input, inter-service consultation, and informal exchanges between services are where technical substance is debated and refined. These arenas reward a different kind of advocacy: one based on technical credibility, legal clarity, and constructive problem-solving rather than public positioning.
This also changes what success looks like. Withdrawal and redrafting, delayed adoption, or narrowed scope are often signs that advocacy has worked, even if they are invisible externally. In delegated acts, avoiding a bad outcome is frequently more realistic than achieving a perfect one.
This requires a shift in mindset. Advocacy becomes less about winning public battles and more about shaping internal calculations. The question is no longer “who supports us?”, but “what risks does this create for the Commission, and how can those risks be managed differently?”
Timing and the shrinking window of influence
Delegated acts operate within tight and unforgiving timelines. Each institutional handover narrows the window for influence. Once a draft is adopted by the Commission and transmitted, options contract rapidly. Scrutiny periods are short, political bandwidth is limited, and thresholds are high.
Late-stage engagement can still succeed, but only under specific conditions: when the issue is sufficiently salient, when legal or political risks are clear, and when decision-makers are willing to spend capital to intervene. For most files, arriving at scrutiny without having engaged earlier means operating at the margins of what is possible.
This makes timing a strategic variable, not a logistical one. Knowing when to invest heavily, when to monitor, and when to step back is as important as knowing how the procedure works.
Delegated acts as a test of advocacy judgement
Delegated acts are not an extension of OLP lobbying by other means. They are a different phase of policymaking, with different incentives, actors, and constraints. They reward early attention to mandates, sustained engagement with technical processes, and a realistic understanding of political thresholds.
For advocacy organisations, the challenge is not to master every procedural detail, but to exercise judgement. Which delegated acts matter enough to justify deep investment? Where is early engagement realistically possible? And when does escalation help, rather than harden positions?
Getting delegated acts right is less about doing more, and more about doing the right things early, quietly, and with a clear sense of where real control sits.
